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ГОД 1973

FOR PEACE AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY
(The Work of the Socialist Countries in the United Nations)

ЗА МИР И МЕЖДУНАРОДНУЮ БЕЗОПАСНОСТЬ (Социалистические страны в ООН)

THE USSR and THE UNITED NATIONS CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION.

FOLLOWING A LENINIST FOREIGN POLICY

FIGHTING IMPERIALIST AGGRESSION TO ELIMINATE THE SEATS OF WAR.

IN THE VANGUARD OF THE STRUGGLE FOR DISARMAMENT.

FOR THE COMPLETE AND FINAL ABOLITION OF COLONIALISM.

THE STRENGTHENING OF INTERNATIONAL SECURITY IS A VITAL TASK OF OUR TIME.


INTRODUCTION

At the present stage of world development the historical confrontation between the forces of progress and reaction, between socialism and imperialism has involved all countries and all the main spheres of public life, including international relations. The United Nations Organisation, the widest international political forum, where almost all the states of the world are represented, has also become an arena of this confrontation.

The United Nations Charter has clearly defined its main task-to deliver future generations from the horror and suffering of war, resolutely repulse aggression, and spare no effort in contributing to the preservation and strengthening of international peace and security. For the first time in the history of mankind an international Charter has been drawn up outlawing aggressive wars, making it incumbent on all UN members to reject the threat or use of force in international relations, and laying down as a norm of international law the principle of the peaceful co-existence of states with differing social systems.

Born at the concluding stage of the Second World War, when there was growing co-operation between the states forming the anti-Hitler coalition, and in an atmosphere characterised by the rapid rise of the anti-fascist, democratic movement throughout the world, the United Nations Organisation embodied the hopes and aspirations of hundreds of millions of people that never again would such a world tragedy be allowed to occur, and that an era of friendly, good-neighbourly relations between all states had been ushered in.

The Soviet Union, which had made a decisive contribution to the victory over fascist Germany and militarist Japan, led the struggle for the establishment of an effective post-war system of international security. The USSR attached major importance to the creation of the United Nations Organisation.

The history of the formation of the United Nations clearly shows that the basic principles underlying the UN Charter were established primarily due to the consistent and resolute struggle of the Soviet Union aimed at making the United Nations a genuinely progressive and democratic organisation. The United Nations Organisation owes it to the Soviet Union, first and foremost, that its Charter advocates the principles of sovereignty, equality, the independence and territorial integrity of all states, non-interference in the internal affairs of states, and respect for the right of all nations to choose their own social system.

In a message addressed to Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the October Revolution in November, 1967, the Secretary-General of the UN at that time, U Thant, remarked that the Soviet Union had made an outstanding contribution to the victory over the forces of fascism and nazism in the Second World War. Since those days, continued the message, the Soviet Union, as one of the founders of the United Nations Organisation and a permanent member of the Security Council, had consistently upheld the ideals of peace and had played an especially important role during the difficult years of the formation of the United Nations.

This statement made by U Thant can serve as a worthy rebuff to the falsifiers of history who are striving either to by-pass in silence or belittle the outstanding role of the Soviet Union in the setting up of the United Nations Organisation. It would also be apt to recall in this connection that US State Secretary E. Stettinius, one of the prominent participants in the international conferences which led to the signing of the UN Charter, in his book Roosevelt and the Russians 1 acknowledged the extensive efforts of the Soviet Union in the formation of this international body.

More than a quarter of a century has passed since the founding of the United Nations. These years have confirmed the correctness of the basic principles of the UN Charter. The experience of recent years shows that the forces of peace, progress and socialism are increasingly coming to prevail in the United Nations, while the forces of imperialism and colonialism find themselves in isolation. To ensure a just and lasting peace on earth it is necessary to implement fully the aims and principles of the United Nations Charter.

Following a Leninist Foreign Policy.

The radical changes which have taken place in the sphere of international relations since the Second World War, and the formation and strengthening of the world socialist system, which is exerting a decisive influence on current international developments, have left a deep imprint on the United Nations Organisation and all aspects of its activities. The great achievements of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in the building of a new society, and their coordinated and united actions in defence of peace are winning for them steadily growing prestige and influence in the United Nations. A big and valuable contribution to the work of the United Nations is being made by the independent states of Asia, Africa and Latin America, especially by those states which, having taken the road of progressive reforms, form the vanguard of the present-day national-liberation movement.

The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, held in 1971, stressed anew the determination of the Soviet Union to continue its efforts to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations in ensuring peace and guaranteeing the rights of all nations, both big and small. The Congress stressed that in pursuing, jointly with other socialist countries, a policy of actively defending peace and strengthening international security, the Soviet Union would also continue to press for the fullest use to be made of the possibilities and resources of the UN to repulse any acts of aggression or abuse of power in international relations.

In July, 1972, the UN Secretary-General, Kurt Waldheim, visited the Soviet Union. During the talks held in Moscow the Soviet government again expressed its support for the United Nations Organisation as an important body called upon to contribute effectively to the settlement of vital international problems in the interests of strengthening peace and international security.

The basic aims and main direction of the activities of socialist countries in the UN follow from the Leninist principles of foreign policy of proletarian internationalism and peaceful coexistence, which have a single class content. The Leninist principle of proletarian internationalism is the main principle determining the relations between the socialist states and their foreign policies. With the establishment of socialism as a world-wide system this principle has become the foundation for international relations of a new type, based on genuine friendship, mutual assistance and all-round co-operation. In his report to the 24th Congress of the CPSU Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, said, "We want to see every fraternal country a flourishing state, harmoniously combining rapid economic, scientific and technical growth with a flowering of socialist culture and rising living standards for the working people. We want the world socialist system to be a well-knit family of nations, building and defending the new society together, and mutually enriching each other with knowledge, a family, strong and united, which the people of the world would regard as the prototype of the future world community of free nations." 2

The socialist countries are guided by the principle of internationalism in all their international activities which are aimed at defending and strengthening peace, averting a new world war, abolishing colonialism and neocolonialism, and supporting the movements of peoples for their social emancipation and national liberation. By co-ordinating their activities socialist countries are able to play a more effective part in solving important international problems and in influencing world developments. The other basic Leninist foreign policy principle is the principle of peaceful co-existence of states with differing social and economic systems.

Lenin's profound study of the laws governing the development of society led him to conclude that socialism had no need of war to demonstrate its superiority over the imperialist system. The Leninist principle of peaceful co-existence demands that war between states be excluded, and that all controversies and conflicts arising between states with different social systems be settled by peaceful means around the negotiating table. This Leninist precept is especially vital today when the military application of the achievements of science has resulted in the creation of weapons of mass destruction.

With regard to the question of co-operation with the capitalist world in the economic, cultural and other spheres, Lenin applied the dialectical method. He advocated the expansion of such co-operation on a reciprocal basis, regarding it as a sort of competition, as a specific form of unarmed class struggle aimed at asserting the victory of socialism. The concept of peaceful co-existence fully accords with the provisions of the United Nations Charter, since it envisages a lessening of international tension, the setting up of a system of collective security and effective steps to prevent wars and to avert a nuclear catastrophe.

Today, due to the consistent and active foreign policy pursued by the Soviet Union and the socialist community, the general position with regard to international relations is considerably improved. The Leninist concept of the peaceful co-existence of states with differing social systems is finding practical expression in contractual relations within a legal framework, a development and tendency which reflect the growing power and influence of socialist states.

The results of the top-level talks held in Moscow in May, 1972, between the Soviet leaders and the president of the United States, were widely acclaimed by socialist countries and the world public. The joint documents signed at the time of these negotiations are of major international significance and present an important step forward in the development of Soviet-American relations. The provisions set down in the document "Basic Principles of Mutual Relations Between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America" contribute to the strengthening of the principle of peaceful co-existence of states with differing social systems, and promote the cause of peace and international security.

In accordance with the United Nations Charter, the Soviet Union and the United States, as permanent members of the Security Council, are called upon, together with its other members, to play a major role in preserving international peace. And experience has shown that whenever it has been possible to achieve through joint efforts a reasonable balance of Soviet and American interests, and of the interests of other states concerned, possibilities have opened up for resolving conflicts and concluding important international treaties and agreements.

At the present, acute stage of the ideological struggle the enemies of the Soviet Union are attempting to depict the steps taken by the USSR to implement the Leninist principle of peaceful co-existence as an abandoning of support for the nations struggling for their national and social liberation. But the comprehensive aid and support rendered by the Soviet Union to the nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America give the lie to these slanderers. Neither in theory nor in practice has the Soviet Union ever applied the principle of peaceful coexistence to the sphere of the national-liberation struggle.

Peaceful co-existence by no means rules out struggle against the aggressive designs of imperialism, the unmasking of the intrigues of the militarist forces, or mobilisation of the world public in an active struggle for peace. On the contrary, peaceful coexistence includes all these things. Speaking at a reception in honour of President Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia on June 5, 1972, Leonid Brezhnev said, "The foreign policy of the Soviet Union has always been and will continue to be a socialist, internationalist policy. We are for international detente. We are for a lasting peace. And that is why we are resolutely opposed to acts of aggression, to any attempts to suppress the liberation struggle of the nations, to interfere in their affairs and violate their rights. . . We are linked with the liberation and revolutionary movement by close ties of militant solidarity." 3

Soviet foreign policy is based on the Leninist principles and has as its distinctive features the waging of a consistent struggle for peace, recognition of the right of peoples to self-determination and existence as independent countries, respect for the sovereignty of states and non-interference in their internal affairs, recognition of the equality of big and small nations, and the development of economic and cultural ties between various states. Soviet foreign policy combines a firm rebuff to aggression with a constructive approach to vital international problems, and irreconcilability in the ideological struggle with a readiness to develop mutually advantageous relations with states having different social systems.

The Soviet Union is a peaceful state, and this is determined by the very nature of its socialist system. "As we see it," said Leonid Brezhnev in the report on the 50th anniversary of the USSR he made on December 21, 1972, "the purpose of our foreign policy is to strengthen peace, which we need for building communism, which is required by all socialist countries, by the peoples of all lands. This is why we shall continue to counteract the policy of aggression and help to eliminate throughout the world the conditions that breed aggressive wars.

"As we see it, it is the purpose and mission of our foreign policy to help all the peoples to exercise their inalienable rights and, above all, their right to independent and sovereign development, so that they may benefit from the fruits of modern civilisation.

"As we see it, the purpose and mission of our policy on the international scene is to side unfailingly with those who are fighting imperialism and all forms of exploitation and oppression, for freedom and human dignity, for democracy and socialism." 4

From the very first days of the existence of the United Nations Organisation the three Soviet delegations, representing the USSR, the Ukraine and Byelorussia, have been waging a consistent and tireless struggle for peace and international security at the world forum. Three other socialist states were foundation members of the United Nations Organisation-Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. In 1955, as a result of the persistent demand of the Soviet Union supported by a number of other states, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and Albania were admitted to United Nations membership. In 1959 Cuba also became a UN member. In 1961 the Mongolian People's Republic took its seat at the United Nations. And in 1971 the lawful right of the Chinese People's Republic to UN membership was recognised.

It has long become something of a UN tradition that the most urgent international problems brought up for discussion at this representative forum are those introduced by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. They were the initiators of the major political actions undertaken by the United Nations to preserve peace and strengthen international security. The socialist countries form a united front and uphold the common, fundamental policy of the countries of the socialist community in the United Nations.

The socialist countries are represented in all the major UN bodies engaged in the examination of questions dealing with the preservation of peace and security. In the Security Council, in addition to the Soviet Union which has been a permanent member of the Council since the very beginning, one socialist country is always represented as a non-permanent member. The Romanian representative was elected chairman of the 22nd session of the UN General Assembly. The Polish representative was elected chairman of the 27th session. In recent years representatives of socialist countries have served as chairmen of the First (Political) Committee of the General Assembly (Hungary at the 20th and Bulgaria at the 26th General Assembly sessions), the Special Political Committee (Poland at the 24th session), and the Fourth (on the Ending of Colonialism) Committee of the General Assembly (Czechoslovakia at the 27th session).

The Mongolian People's Republic takes an active part in the work of the Afro-Asian group and is often a co-author of draft resolutions submitted by the countries of Asia and Africa.

During the first ten years of the existence of the United Nations the struggle for peace waged by socialist countries in this forum was conducted under extremely difficult conditions, since the United States, together with other Western powers, in actual fact, dominated the General Assembly and a number of other important UN bodies. In 1945 America, Western Europe and the British Commonwealth accounted for 35 of the 51 UN member-states. This ensured them with the two-thirds majority of votes necessary for the Assembly to adopt decisions on important questions. The socialist and Afro-Asian countries did not even have the 18 votes (a blocking third) necessary to prevent the passing of such decisions to which they were opposed. In addition, the governments of a number of Afro-Asian states (Iraq, Saudi Arabia and others) were greatly dependent on colonial powers.

However, despite this situation, the experience of the very first years of the activities of the United Nations already made it clear that the imperialist powers could not succeed in their attempt to turn the UN into a mere instrument to serve their foreign policy requirements. This was prevented by the resolute and consistent struggle of the Soviet Union in defence of the UN Charter, a struggle supported by the growing strength and influence of the world socialist system which had emerged on the world scene. The Soviet Union made use of every opportunity in the Security Council-the main UN body responsible for preserving peace-including the use of its "veto" when, for example, the Afro-Asian countries, faced with the threat of a pro-Western majority forming in the Security Council, turned to the USSR for support.

The first blow at the pro-Western (mainly pro-American) voting bloc in the General Assembly was struck in 1955 when, on the initiative of the Soviet Union, 16 new states were admitted to the United Nations, including four socialist countries, and six countries of Asia and Africa- Ceylon, Cambodia, Laos, Nepal, Jordan and Libya. By 1958 the ten socialist states and seventeen non-aligned nations, together, already commanded just over one-third of the votes (there were 79 UN member-states in 1957) which gave them the possibility, by acting jointly, of countering the aggressive policy of imperialism at UN General Assembly sessions. However, the voting power of the Western countries was still more than sufficient to ensure that the General Assembly would not adopt a single decision unfavourable to them. In addition, by splitting the Afro-Asian group and enjoying the support of almost all the Latin American countries, they could in most cases count on receiving the two-thirds of votes necessary for the adoption of the decisions they wanted passed.

In 1973, when the number of UN member-states had increased to 133, the socialist and Afro-Asian states between them already commanded nearly two-thirds of the votes in the General Assembly. A certain stratification has taken place in the Latin American group of countries, and some of them are increasingly adopting an independent stand. A useful contribution to the peace-keeping efforts of the United Nations is being made by the neutral states of Western Europe. The necessity to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations on the basis of respect for the provisions of its Charter has been voiced by France which is a permanent member of the Security Council.

The current balance of forces in the General Assembly is somewhat complicated. Far from all the Afro-Asian states maintain a consistent anti-imperialist stand in the United Nations. However, it is clear that the former supremacy of the imperialist bloc in the General Assembly has been broken. Not only have the imperialist powers lost control over the majority of votes in the Assembly, but they can hardly scrape together a "blocking third" of votes (44 votes in 1973), and even this only in the event that the matter in question is not a major political issue.

New tendencies are also developing in the alignment of forces in the Security Council. After the composition of the Council was expanded in 1966 by increasing the number of non-permanent members from 6 to 10, the Afro-Asian states began to play a more prominent role in this body, and this contributed to a more realistic and constructive discussion of major international problems in the Security Council. Whereas, formerly, the Soviet Union's right of "veto" was the only effective restraint on the Western powers in the Security Council, beginning with the early sixties, the imperialists have had to face the growing and increasingly organised force of the neutralist states which enjoy the support of the Soviet Union and other members of the socialist community.

The growing unity and co-operation between socialist countries and the independent states of Asia, Africa and Latin America on vital international issues is a characteristic feature of the political atmosphere in the United Nations Organisation at the present stage. This unity and co-operation is one of the numerous manifestations of the current anti-imperialist alliance between world socialism and the forces of the national-liberation movement.

Lenin pointed repeatedly to the outstanding role of the Soviet state in the struggle of the oppressed nations against imperialism. He stressed that the revolutionary movement of the peoples of the East could be developed successfully "...only in direct association with the revolutionary struggle of our Soviet Republic against international imperialism." 5

The very existence of the Soviet state created favourable opportunities for the development of the national-liberation struggle, because it seriously weakened the position of the imperialists and colonialists. From the very outset the young Soviet Republic declared its intention to build its relations with the nations of the East struggling against imperialism, on the basis of genuine equality and disinterested friendship. Despite its limited resources the Soviet Republic rendered these nations direct material aid and supported them in other ways.

The formation of the world socialist system was a major determining factor in the powerful upsurge of the national-liberation struggle in the post-war period. The collapse of the colonial empires, in turn, had a profound effect on the general balance of forces in the world. As was pointed out in the Declaration of the Moscow Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties in 1960, "The breakdown of the system of colonial slavery under the impact of the national-liberation movement is a development ranking second in historic importance only to the formation of the world socialist system." 6

The aims which unite the efforts of socialist countries and the independent states of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the international arena-for example, in the United Nations- fully accord with the letter and spirit of the UN Charter. These aims are to struggle for peace and strengthen international security, achieve disarmament, end imperialist aggression and interference in the internal affairs of other states, and eliminate all forms of colonialism and neocolonialism. On the other hand, the aggressive designs of imperialism and its policy of colonialism and neocolonialism are in glaring contradiction with the UN Charter and the most elementary norms of international law.

The Soviet Union and other socialist countries have always been in the front rank of the struggle for achieving the main aim of the United Nations Organisation, namely, to deliver future generations from the horror and suffering of war. Socialist diplomacy wages an active struggle in the United Nations against the imperialist policy of war and aggression, and works tirelessly for lasting peace and disarmament and in defence of the freedom and independence of the young national states.

In 1946, on the initiative of the Soviet Union, the General Assembly adopted a number of important decisions which ushered in the era of post-war negotiations on problems of disarmament. One of the first steps taken by the UN General Assembly was the approving of a resolution to work out proposals for the "elimination from national armaments of atomic weapons and all other major weapons adaptable to mass destruction." 7 Some time later, on the initiative of the Soviet Union, the General Assembly recognised the necessity of achieving a general reduction of armaments and armed forces.

In those years the USSR, the Ukraine, Byelorussia, Poland and Czechoslovakia were waging a tireless struggle to block the attempts of the United States and other imperialist powers to achieve a radical revision of the UN Charter, undermine the principle of unanimity of the permanent members of the Security Council and impose on the UN the notorious Baruch Plan which envisaged the formation of an American atomic super-trust with unlimited powers to interfere in the internal affairs of other states.

It was largely due to the resolute efforts of socialist diplomacy, especially in the United Nations, that positive solutions were achieved for such issues as the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territories of Syria and the Lebanon (1946) and Egypt (1947), the peaceful settlement of the Indonesian question and the proclamation of the independence of the Indonesian Republic. In the Trusteeship Council and other UN bodies socialist countries from the very outset waged a consistent struggle for the granting of independence to the colonial nations, and fought racial discrimination in South Africa.

In 1947, on the initiative of the Soviet Union, the General Assembly approved a resolution prohibiting all war propaganda-a major document in the history of the United Nations. In the fifties the Soviet Union and other socialist countries were actively engaged in exposing the aggressive policies of the imperialist powers. The representatives of the USSR and other socialist countries in the United Nations strove to end the cold war unleashed by the imperialists and lessen international tension. They resolutely condemned the use of the United Nations as an instrument of US aggression against the Korean People's Democratic Republic (1950-1953), urged the Security Council to take steps to end aggression against Guatemala (1954), called for an immediate end to the imperialist tripartite aggression against Egypt (1956) and the Anglo-American military intervention against the Lebanon and Jordan (1958).

The socialist countries submitted new, constructive proposals to the United Nations for the banning of atomic weapons and for effecting a general reduction of armaments under strict international control. However, in those days the United Nations failed to adopt even a single important decision aimed at terminating or even restricting the arms drive. Moreover, with the help of its preponderance of votes, the United States pushed through a number of resolutions in the General Assembly which constituted a step backwards for the Organisation in comparison with the resolution passed in 1946.

In May, 1955, the Soviet Union, in an effort to overcome the deadlock over the question of disarmament, submitted to the United Nations a number of proposals which met the Western powers half way on a whole range of questions pertaining to the time limits and stages of the banning of nuclear weapons, the level of the reduction of armed forces, and similar problems. However, this initiative, which represented an important step in the history of the disarmament negotiations, was not acted upon because the Western powers retreated from their previous position. The well-known British political figure, Ph. Noel-Baker, pointed out that in 1956 although the Soviet Union "made further efforts to meet the West," 8 on every point it was rebuffed.

On October 2, 1957, the Polish People's Republic submitted for discussion at the General Assembly a plan for the creation of a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe. Under this plan, the production and stationing of atomic or hydrogen weapons would be banned in a zone that was to include the territory of the FRG, the GDR, Poland and Czechoslovakia. The plan had the support of the governments of Czechoslovakia and the GDR.

The governments of the Western powers refused even to enter into any talks on this-question, however, and the Polish proposal was not put to the vote in the United Nations. However, a number of West European countries, and countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, displayed considerable interest in the proposal. Thus, Poland was the initiator of the idea of forming regional nuclear-free zones as a partial step in the field of disarmament, an idea which was subsequently embodied in the UN decisions to declare Africa a nuclear-free zone (1961) and in the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (1967).

Among the decisions adopted by the United Nations in the fifties, which had a positive effect on the international atmosphere, was the General Assembly Resolution of December 14, 1957, on Peaceful and Neighbourly Relations among States. This document, adopted on the initiative of the Soviet Union and on the basis of a draft resolution submitted by Yugoslavia, India and Sweden, pointed to the necessity of "developing peaceful and neighbourly relations among States irrespective of their divergences or the relative stages and nature of their political, economic and social development." 9

In 1958, on the proposal of Czechoslovakia, the 13th General Assembly session approved a resolution urging all states to apply in practice the principles of peaceful coexistence, to ob-serve the UN Charter and implement effective the actions against Cuba in 1960-1962, the Congo (Kinshasa) in 1960-1961 and in 1964, Cyprus in 1964, and the Dominican Republic in 1965. The Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security, adopted by the UN General Assembly, served as condemnation of the US aggression in Vietnam. As a result of the persistent struggle of socialist countries and other peace-loving states to overcome the consequences of the Israeli aggression in the Middle East and achieve a just and peaceful settlement in this area, the Security Council adopted a resolution (November 22, 1967) which exerts a definite restraining influence on the aggressors and their overseas patrons.

Under the influence of the forces of peace the role of the United Nations in resolving various crises has been enhanced.

The dispatching of UN troops to Cyprus in 1964 with the consent of the government of the republic reduced the tension in that area and helped to frustrate the NATO plans which presented a serious threat to the independence and territorial integrity of the country.

The United Nations helped to terminate the military conflict between India and Pakistan (1965), resolved on the basis of the Tashkent Declaration which was adopted with the active participation of the Soviet Union. In 1971-1972 socialist diplomacy made extensive use of the UN rostrum to mobilise world opinion in support of the national-liberation struggle of the people of East Bengal, a struggle which led to the formation of the independent People's Republic of Bangladesh.

However, in recognising the important role played by the United Nations one cannot bypass the fact that the world body has not always lived up to the important and noble tasks for which it was brought into being. Despite the many years of intensive discussions in the United Nations on the problem of disarmament, and although a number of important agreements on this issue have been concluded, the arms drive forced upon the world by the imperialist powers, in particular, in the field of nuclear weapons and missiles, is continuing. In addition, on a number of occasions the imperialists managed to make use of the United Nations to achieve their nefarious aims, as witness the example of the so-called "UN operation" in the Congo (Kinshasa) in 1960-1961 which led to the overthrow of the progressive government headed by Patrice Lumumba.

It is clear that the weaknesses of the United Nations are not due to any deficiencies in its Charter, which has withstood the test of time, but stem from the fact that the aggressive NATO circles are striving to undermine the basic principles of the Charter, revise it and turn the United Nations into an instrument of their policies.

Although the imperialist powers continue to hold a strong position in the United Nations, the general tendency towards their isolation in the organisation has by now become sufficiently evident. The new correlation of forces in the world and, consequently, in the United Nations Organisation, makes it increasingly plain that any direct attempts by the Western powers to harness the UN to serve the aggressive policies of imperialism will meet with certain failure.

Many American specialists in UN affairs have pointed out, for example, that today it would be impossible to repeat the "Korean situation" when the United States carried out its armed aggression against the Korean People's Democratic Republic under cover of the United Nations flag. The unlikelihood has also been stressed of a repetition of such a "major" operation as the "UN operation" in the Congo. It will be shown in the next chapter that the United States also suffered a resounding defeat when it tried to impose on the United Nations the role of accomplice in the US aggression in Vietnam and when it attempted to secure UN support for a "peaceful settlement" in the Middle East that had the sole aim of serving the expansionist aims of Israel.

Today the Western powers can no longer count on being able to pressure the United Nations so as to defeat proposals aimed at solving the problems of disarmament. During the examination of these problems at the United Nations the imperialist countries find themselves on the defensive, while the offensive is led by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, supported by the majority of UN member-states.

On questions connected with the ending of the remaining instances of colonialism, especially on issues dealing with the situation in the African south, which are under discussion at the United Nations, the Western powers have long been in practically complete isolation. Over the past decade only a small group of colonialists has voted in the UN against the decisions adopted by an overwhelming majority of delegates on the implementation of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.

It is becoming increasingly difficult for the imperialists to use the United Nations as a medium for anti-Soviet and anti-communist propaganda, although they have never given up their attempts to use the organisation as a channel for conducting political and ideological subversion against the socialist countries. In 1968, the majority of non-aligned nations refused to support the US demands for a discussion of the so-called "Czechoslovak question". Despite imperialist pressure not to do so, many UN member-nations have recognised the GDR and established diplomatic relations with it. They welcomed the signing and ratification of the treaties of the USSR and the Polish People's Republic with the Federal Republic of Germany, a number of agreements on West Berlin and the signing of the Treaty on the Bases of Relations between the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, treaties which, among other things, have paved the way for successfully solving the question of the simultaneous admission of the two German states into the United Nations.

Despite all the efforts of the imperialists, most UN member-states are in favour of completely ridding the organisation of the cold war attitudes which are constantly being shown by the imperialist powers. The idea of the peaceful coexistence and co-operation of states irrespective of their social systems is increasingly asserting itself in the United Nations Organisation as a major tendency in its activities.

Noting that the stand and activities of the United Nations provide an indication of the correlation of forces between the states, and reflect the dominating tendency in international life, Leonid Brezhnev said, "...we view the future of the United Nations Organisation with optimism, because, first of all, we know that the role and political influence of the socialist and other freedom-loving and peace-loving nations of the world are steadily growing and will continue to grow. Secondly, we are firmly convinced that the policy of peace which the Soviet Union is untiringly pursuing in accordance with Lenin's behests, corresponds to the interests of all nations and all countries, both big and small." 10

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